今天

林福寿医生在新加坡监狱的心声

03/09/09

林福寿医生在新加坡监狱的心声
1972年3月18日
(来自他的法律顾问:由Dr Beatrice Chia即林福寿的夫人供稿)

作者/来源:林福寿医生 (新加坡文献馆译)

若干年前在新加坡的一场有关新加坡历史的讨论会上,一名新加坡历史工作者呼吁参与或者见证新加坡历史过程的人士,把各自的经历用文字记录留世以作为将来历史工作者的资料素材。这名历史学者感慨的认为假如没有来自非主流的历史记录则《李光耀回忆录》将成为新加坡历史的正版历史。《李光耀回忆录》只是李光耀个人对新加坡政治历史过程的一种说法,不是全面的新加坡历史。李光耀传记的出现也啟动了许多有关的新历史传记出版。这其中对历史有贡献的文字记录是能够对当时政治事件的进一步诠释以及详细的历史过程叙述,这类资料能够填补历史空白所以有其价值与贡献。而林福寿的这篇文献就是属于有极佳历史价值的文稿。林福寿医生在无审讯下囚禁21年后在1982年9月6日获得释放。

林福寿医生文稿:

1963年2月2日我和其他百多位人士在蛮横无理的情况下遭逮捕。许多人至今还在狱中。从那一天开始,至到今天的9个年头里我们还是受到不公正与专横任意的拘押,其间从来没有经过任何的审讯。在这受拘禁的9年里,我们历经对各种指控的挣扎,痛苦与艰难。近期发生了一些不寻常的事。1972年1月13日,我被带到位于罗敏申路的内政部和我的弟弟林福群一道囚禁了40天。

人民行动党政权的两名内政部高官向我表示,假如我向社会发布一份忏悔书就可以获得释放。他们告诉我自被捕的那一天算起已经过了9年,该是结束这案子的时候了。他们承认9年是一个很漫长的年月。我告诉他们说没有必要提醒我9年是一个漫长岁月,这句话己失去意义。

这两名高官在我转到内政总部的一星期后向我提出释放的条件。他们对我提出两点要求。两点条件是,
1. 我提出口头声明交代我过去的政治活动,这是内部治安声明书。这是作为内政部的档案记录,不对外公布。
2. 我必须发布一份公开声明书,其内有两项要点:
a. 我必须放弃政治活动然后专心于我的医务专业
b. 我必须表示支持国会民主制度。

现在且让我回顾并且概括性重述当时我和这两名内政部高官在内政总部囚禁期间的对话。

内政部:你无需指责社阵或者任何个人。我们承认如此长期的拘禁缺乏公正,9年对一个人的生命而言是一个很漫长的岁月;我们急切的要结束这个案子。

林福寿医生:如果你无条件释放我,那这个案子可以马上结束。当我被拘捕时你们并没有问过我我应否受到拘捕。无条件释放我那我这个案子就结束了。

内政部:钥匙在你手上,靠你自已去开啟那扇门。

林福寿医生:说钥匙在我手上是强盗的颠倒逻辑指白为黑指黑为白。受害者被描绘为罪犯者而犯罪者却被装扮成无辜者。动用4名辜加兵到我的家逮捕我。我没有要求或者寻求被逮捕,又或者遭受未经审讯的9年持续的长期牢狱囚禁。

内政部:你必须作出一些让步让李光耀有一个立足点向社会大众解释你为何要遭受如此长期的囚禁。李光耀也必须顾及自已的颜面。假如让你无条件获得释放那他将会很没有面子。

林福寿医生:我没有兴趣去挽救李光耀的面子。这不是尊严的问题而是原则。我遭受到的是完完全全不公正拘押,我不会动一根指头去帮助李光耀让不公正成为合理化。照你的话说,这不是明白的说我在这多年艰苦岁月中白白失去的自由只是为了李光耀的面子?这就是为什么人民行动党政权对我的指控说我是一个内部治安风险只是一个可耻的掩饰,这一个表面说词为的就是不公正的囚禁9年。

我对为内政部档案撰写秘密口头冶安声明书的立场
我不可以也不会撰写任何声明书去指责我过去的政治活动。我过去的政治活动全是合法与正当的。我的所作所为与言论都是为了服务人民与国家的利益。即便是一名被告人他也无需说些对自已不利的话或者指责自已。为何我这个被蛮横无理逮捕,在无审讯情况下囚禁9年的人,要在威胁下成为内政部的代理人背着社会大众去进行秘密交易?我坚决拒绝这个索求。更何况,我没有一丁点的义务去向李光耀交代我过去的政治活动。

A. 我对要求发布公开声明书的立场
我在原则上全面拒绝以发布公开声明书来作为释放的条件。这是公开的忏悔书。历史已完全证明我的无辜。我是由于反对和马来西亚合并而受逮捕,因为我认为马来西亚是英国赞助的后殖民主义成品,创立马来西亚不仅不能团结我们的人民与我们的国家更会造成人民之间的分裂与冲突。我相信成立马来西亚是我们争取国家团结运动中的一个倒退而不是前进的作法。

我没有什么要悔过,放弃或者改进。我却意识到我更坚信我的信念,更肯定自已的观点,更强化我要为马来亚人民全心全意服务的决心。我无须向李光耀作出任何让步。事实上,他必须向我而不是我向他提出公开忏悔。

B. 我对要求我必须放弃政治活动来换取释放的立场
我的看法是这两项要求是在自相矛盾,因为如果政治是民主的那又何必要我去放弃政治活动。把我囚禁9年为的是要威逼我放弃政治活动的现实本身就足以证明国会民主并不存在。有关参与政治活动的问题是一个基本人权。

一个间接的建议是让我离开新加坡出国深造。我回复人民行动党政权说如果我有意随时离开自已的国家,那是因为我自已愿意如此而不是因为受到人民行动党政权的要挟。

C.我对要求支持国会体制的立场
我认为去支持人民行动党政权所谓的国会体制是在误导社会大众让他们误以为新加坡本岛上有一个真正的国会民主体制。一个无可否认与无法忘记的现实是李思东同志,他在1963年大选中获胜后遭到逮捕并在无审讯下囚禁。过后他的公民权也被褫夺,到了今天他还身着囚衣拘留在女皇镇监狱内。无理的长期囚禁李思东同志就是一个铁证证实所谓的国会民主是粗糙拙劣的冒牌仿制。去支持这一个可耻的国会体制是在背叛人民。无论在何种情况下我都永远不会出卖我的国家的人民。苦涩的牺牲强化了坚毅的决心。

国会民主不仅仅是在每5年的大选中投票。比这更重要的是在这5年以及过后时间内均享有自由思想,自由言论,自由社交与自由结社的权力。在我被逮捕的当时社阵正在积极的参与政治活动。就是参与了这个政治活动,殖民政府,李光耀和拉曼政权一起把我囚禁9年。这不也充分显示这个所谓的国会体制是极端的可耻。经过了9年囚禁如今却要我去支持这个所谓的国会体制以换取释放。我坚决拒绝去支持新加坡岛上这个卑鄙与虚幻的民主。

我对人民行动党政权代理人要求作出让步让李光耀保住面子的立场
历史已经证实了我的立场与观点无罪,李光耀应该公开向社会大众对我以及所有无辜被拘留的政治人士表示忏悔。理所当然的公正与适当的释放理由(这也同时适用在所有其他无理囚禁的政治人士)应该是:
a. 无条件的立即从囚禁中释放并且全面的恢复我们所有的民主与基本人权。
b. 对我以及所有拘留者支付适当的赔偿金以赔偿我们长期以来蒙受的不公正囚禁。
c. 李光耀对我提出公开道歉。

我们愿意对以上的后两项条件作出让步妥协。我们不相信一个傲慢的人物如李光耀会提出道歉以及作出赔偿。

对于第一项条件即要求无条件与立即从囚禁中获得释放以及全面恢复民主与基本人权-我们坚决的表态:我们永远不妥协,苦涩的牺牲强化了坚毅的决心。

原文:
Dr Lim Hock Siew speaks from Singapore prison
18 March 1972
(Through his legal adviser; released by Dr Beatrice Chia, wife of Dr Lim Hock Siew)

I and hundreds of others were arbitrarily arrested on the 2nd of February, 1963. Many are still in prison. Ever since that day, we were, and are, unjustly and arbitrarily detained in prison without any kind of trial whatsoever for over 9 years. We have gone through various kinds of persecution, struggles, hardships and difficulties during this very long period of over nine years of detention in prison. Recently an unusual development took place. On the 13th of January, 1972, I was taken to the Headquarters of the Special Branch at Robinson Road where I was detained for 40 days together with my brother, Lim Hock Koon.

Two high-ranking special branch agents of the P.A.P. regime indicated to me that if I were to issue a public statement of repentance, I would be released. They told me that 9 years had passed since the date of my arrest and that it was time that my case be settled. They admitted that 9 years was a long time. I told them that it was pointless to remind me of this long period.

A week after my transfer to the Special Branch Headquarters, the same two high-ranking employees spelt out the conditions of my release. They demanded from me two things. They are as follows: –

1. That I make an oral statement of my past political activities, that is to say, “A security statement.” This was meant for the Special Branch records only, and not meant for publication.
2. That I must issue a public statement consisting of two points : – a. That I am prepared to give up politics and devote to medical practice thereafter. b. That I must express support for the Parliamentary democratic system.

I shall now recall and recapitulate the conversation that took place between me and the same two high-ranking Special Branch agents during my detention at the Special Branch Headquarters.

Special Branch: You need not have to condemn the Barisan Sosialis or any person. We admit that it is unjust to detain you so long. 9 years is a long time in a person’s life; we are anxious to settle your case.

Dr Lim Hock Siew: My case will be settled immediately if I am released unconditionally. I was not asked at the time of my arrest whether I ought to be arrested. Release me unconditionally and my case is settled.

Special Branch: The key is in your hands. It is for you to open the door.

Dr Lim Hock Siew: To say that the key is in my hands is the inverted logic of gangsters in which white is black and black is white. The victim is painted as the culprit and the culprit is made to look innocent. Four Gurkha soldiers were brought to my house to arrest me. I did not ask or seek arrest or the prolonged detention for over 9 years in prison without trial.

Special Branch: You must concede something so that Lee Kuan Yew would be in a position to explain to the public why you had been detained so long. Mr Lee Kuan Yew must also preserve his face. If you were to be released unconditionally, he will lose face.

Dr Lim Hock Siew: I am not interested in saving Lee Kuan Yew’s face. This is not a question of pride but one of principle. My detention is completely unjustifiable and I will not lift a single finger to help Lee Kuan Yew to justify the unjustifiable. In the light of what you say, is it not very clear that I have lost my freedom all these long and bitter years just to save Lee Kuan Yew’s face? Therefore the P.A.P. regime’s allegation that I am a security risk is a sham cover and a facade to detain me unjustifiably for over 9 years.

My stand on the Making of a Secret Oral Security Statement for the records of the Special Branch
I cannot and will not make any statement to condemn my past political activities. My past political activities were absolutely legitimate and proper. Whatever I had done or said was in the interest of and in the service of the masses of our people and of our country. Even an accused person need not say anything to incriminate or to condemn himself. Why should I who am arbitrarily detained without any kind of trial for over 9 years be coerced to act as an agent to the Special Branch by making a secret deal behind the backs of the masses? I resolutely reject this demand. Furthermore, I have not the slightest obligation to account my past political activities to Lee Kuan Yew.

A. My Stand on the Demand of Making a Public Statement I completely reject in principle the issuing of any public statement as a condition of my release. This is a form of public repentance. History has completely vindicated my position. I was arrested for opposing merger with “Malaysia” because I held the view that “Malaysia” was a British sponsored neo-colonialist product and the creation of “Malaysia”, far from uniting our people and our country, would cause greater dis-unity and dissension among our people. I believe that the formation of Malaysia would be a step backward and not forward in our struggle for national unity.

I have nothing to repent, to recant or to reform. If anything I have become more reinforced in my convictions, more reaffirmed in my views and more resolute to serve the people of Malaya fully and whole-heartedly. I have nothing to concede to Lee Kuan Yew. By right, he should make a public repentance to me and not I to him.

B. My Stand on the Demand that I must give up Politics in Exchange for my Release I hold the view that these two demands are self-contradictory, because if there is democracy, I need not give up politics. The fact that I had been detained for over 9 years in order to coerce me to give up politics is proof enough that there is no parliamentary democracy. The question of taking part on politics is a fundamental right of the people.

An indirect offer was made to me to leave Singapore for further studies. I have replied to the P.A.P. regime that if I had to leave the country at any time, it must be on my own free volition and not under coercion by the P.A.P regime.

C. My Stand on the Demand for support for Parliamentary System I hold the view that to support the P.A.P. regime’s so-called parliamentary system would mean giving the public and the masses a false impression that there exist today a genuine parliamentary democratic system in Singapore Island. It is an undeniable and unforgettable fact that comrade LEE TSE TONG who was elected by the people of Singapore in the 1963 General Elections, was arbitrarily arrested and detained without trial soon after he was elected. Subsequently, he was deprived of his citizenship and he is still under detention as a so-called “banishee” in prisoner’s clothes in Queenstown prison. The arbitrary arrest and prolonged detention of Comrade Lee Tse Tong affords concrete proof that the so-called parliamentary democracy is a cruel mockery. It does not exist in Singapore Island. Giving support to such a sham parliamentary system means complete betrayal of the people. I will never betray the people of my country under any circumstance. Bitter sacrifice strengthens bold resolve.

Parliamentary democracy does not mean merely casting of votes once in 5 years during election time. Far more important than this is the freedom of thought, the freedom of expression, the freedom of association, the freedom of organisation everyday during the 5 years period and continuously thereafter. I was arrested when the Barisan Sosialis was actively participating in the parliamentary system. For such participation, the colonial government, the Lee Kuan Yew and Rahman regimes had rewarded me with over 9 years of imprisonment. This again amply indicates the utter shamness of the so-called parliamentary democratic system. After over 9 years of detention, I am now asked to give support to their so-called parliamentary system in order to secure my release. I firmly refuse to give my support for the sham and illusory democracy in Singapore Island.

My Stand on the Request by the Agents of the P.A.P. Regime to Concede something to save Lee Kuan Yew’s Face
Since history has fully vindicated my stand and my position, Lee Kuan Yew should openly and publicly repent to me and to all other political detainees, now unjustifiably detained in prison. By right a just and proper base for my release from my prolonged and unjustifiable detention (and this equally applies to all political detainees now under unjustifiable detention) should be : –

a. Our unconditional and immediate release from detention and the complete restoration of all our democratic and human rights.
b. Payment of adequate compensation to me and to all other political detainees for the prolonged and unjustifiable detention in prison.
c. The issuance of public apology by Lee Kuan Yew to me.

We are willing and prepared to concede the last two conditions as listed above. We do not believe that an arrogant man like Lee Kuan Yew will aplogise or to compensate us.

On the first condition that is to say, our demand for unconditional and immediate release from detention, and for the complete restoration of all our democratic and human rights – we must resolutely say : WE WILL NEVER CONCEDE, BITTER SACRIFICE STRENGTHENS BOLD RESOLVE.

http://singaporerebel.blogspot.com/2009/09/new-pap-book-neglects-founding-members.html

---

分类题材: 政治_politics , 人物_biogphy

《新加坡文献馆》